Between 2012 and 2024, the United States quietly spent $3.4 trillion containing a rival it had spent the previous two decades helping create. Not a single shot was fired in direct combat. The Brown University Costs of War project puts the figure at $260 billion every year, for twelve years, against one country, with no end in sight. The errors Washington is determined not to repeat were not military failures they were commercial and strategic ones. After Tiananmen, Washington imposed brief sanctions and quickly moved on. It backed China's WTO entry. It granted Permanent Normal Trade Relations, with the promise that prosperity would bring political liberalisation. American firms flooded China with investment and proprietary technology. Beijing took the technology, mandated joint ventures, forced intellectual property transfers, and reverse-engineered everything, from solar panels to, most pointedly, an F-35-inspired J-20 stealth fighter built from know-how acquired through American firms' forced disclosures. By the time Washington understood what had happened, China had the world's largest navy, a peer-level air force, and a semiconductor and manufacturing base that had turned the containment bill into a permanent fixture of the Pentagon's budget. US officials have now stated explicitly that they will not apply the same approach to India. New Delhi is seen in Washington as a counterweight to China, not a peer rival. But the conditions being attached to that relationship are hardening — with experts describing an approach of managed engagement that ties every significant technology transfer, arms deal and market access concession to specific demands: reduced Russian arms imports, Quad interoperability commitments, and ironclad intellectual property safeguards. Any high-technology transfer — jet engines, drone systems, semiconductors — is expected to come with firewall conditions specifically designed to prevent the reverse engineering that gave China its strategic edge.