It has been over three decades since former Bihar chief minister and champion of backward classes, Karpoori Thakur, exited the political stage. Yet, his ideological heirs — RJD supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav and JD(U) chief Nitish Kumar — continue to invoke his legacy on the issue of social justice.
When the RJD–JD(U)-led Mahagathbandhan came to power in 2022, it initiated a caste survey to determine the exact population of the state’s Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Extremely Backward Classes (EBC), aiming to bolster demands for expanded reservations. After initial resistance, the BJP too eventually backed the exercise.
Staying true to its traditional Yadav–Muslim base, the RJD allocated tickets to 28 Yadavs and 6 Muslims, while also fielding candidates from upper-caste and EBC communities — though precise figures remain undisclosed as Tejashwi Yadav is yet to make an official announcement.
The Congress, meanwhile, has declared 48 candidates for the upcoming elections. Of these, 17 (35.4%) belong to upper castes — including 8 Bhumihars, 6 Brahmins, and 5 Rajputs. Ten seats (20.8%) were allotted to OBCs — 5 Yadavs, 1 Kurmi, 1 Goswami, 1 Kushwaha, and 3 Vaishyas. The party also fielded 5 candidates each (10.4%) from Muslim and EBC communities, 9 (18.8%) from the Scheduled Castes, and 1 (2.1%) from the state’s lone Scheduled Tribe-reserved seat.
Read full storyWeighed down by anti-incumbency and internal rifts, the BJP–JD(U)-led National Democratic Alliance faces an uphill battle in Bihar’s politically volatile and caste-sensitive Magadh and Bhojpur regions — a contest that could determine whether Nitish Kumar holds on to power or yields ground to the Mahagathbandhan.
In the closely fought 2020 assembly elections, the Magadh–Bhojpur belt emerged as a bright spot for the Rashtriya Janata Dal-led alliance, which put up a fierce fight against the NDA and ultimately came out on top.
While the Mithilanchal and Tirhut regions handed the NDA narrow victories, Magadh and Bhojpur — which together elect 69 of Bihar’s 243 MLAs — ensured the opposition maintained a strong presence in the Vidhan Sabha.
The Magadh region, comprising Arwal, Jehanabad, Aurangabad, Gaya, and Nawada districts, accounts for 26 seats. In 2015, when Chief Minister Nitish Kumar was aligned with the RJD and Congress, the NDA managed to win only six seats across the broader Shahabad belt.
Read full storyPredicting election outcomes in Bihar is never easy, but one trend stands out — there’s little sign of anger or voter fatigue with Nitish Kumar, even after two decades in power. This holds true across communities, including sections of Muslims traditionally opposed to the BJP, his key ally.
At Madarsa Chawk in Muzaffarpur’s Kurhani constituency, Sabbu Mirza said, “Although I will vote for RJD, you won’t find people speaking against Nitish even after four full terms.” His uncle, Muhammad Amanullah, a JD(U) panchayat-level post-holder, added, “Nitish is not the leader of one caste. He has a mass base, and that is his appeal.”
Nitish’s own caste, the Kurmis, make up around 3% of Bihar’s population—far fewer than the 14% Yadavs or 18% Muslims. Yet, his support extends beyond traditional caste blocs to sections such as Hindu upper castes (10%), Kushwahas (over 4%), Paswans (more than 5%), Musahars (over 3%), and Mallahs (around 2.6%).
Read full storyhttps://thetimesofindia.online/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/little-sign-of-anti-incumbency-or-voter-fatigue-why-nitish-kumar-endures-in-bihar/articleshow/125119799.cms